ISSN: 0964-0282 (print) • ISSN: 1469-8676 (online) • 4 issues per year
In early 2001 Masséré Sissoko left his village in the Malian region of Kayes and began a journey to France. He travelled under the name of Mahamadou Diarra, an identity with which he obtained a visa. Years later, as he was undocumented in France, Sissoko reused this identity in order to obtain ‘papers’ that could reduce the effects of his irregularity and eventually maximise his possibilities of regularisation. This meant fabricating an existence for his double by producing documents in his name (i.e. tax declarations, bank receipts) and even sometimes by embodying this identity. The multiplicity and wide range of documents that Sissoko and his fellow ‘undocumented’ migrants manipulate thus allow them to free themselves from the omnipresence of the border and to construct a life. However, identity documents, and all other documents, are constantly subjected to authenticity tests and inquiries of veracity. What does it mean to exist when you cannot live under your own name? By following the personal journey of Masséré Sissoko and his double, this article explores the connections between identification, identity and the (im)possibilities of existing within a regime of illegality.
In 1963, Chairman Mao made a national hero of an ordinary soldier named Lei Feng, said to have been inspired by collectivism to do countless selfless deeds. Sceptical observers inside and outside China disparage the persistent Lei Feng legend, judging it to be a laughably fraudulent construct of the Communist Party. We take this contrast as an opportunity to examine the cultural politics of authentication and fakery. We show that critics of the Chinese regime take the propagation of ‘inauthentic’ evidence to be indicative of a government based on illegitimate tactics, or of a credulous population. Meanwhile, research participants in China, who consider Lei Feng stories and artefacts to intermingle evidential and pedagogical representation, justify the state's curation of the legend for societal good. Second, we contrast Chinese and western discussions about a Lei Feng‐related trick that a western news agency is said to have played on China on April Fool's Day. Examining the different framings of this story – that of satire, practical joke, fake news and rumour – we argue that how the fake is decoded depends on what political ends it serves, which include the ideological legacy of the Cold War as well as contemporary USA–China competition.
European nation states have introduced several forms of bordering and technologies of control, partly in order to deter non‐Western migrants from arriving and to encourage irregular migrants to leave. The bordering practices of the European nation states have now both been dispersed into third countries and come to include frontline bureaucrats within the nation states, including social workers and healthcare staff. Without much public debate, healthcare and social welfare policies have become part of migration management policies. In the following, I explore new ways of understanding the relationship between borders, healthcare and the management of migrants in the welfare state of Norway. The article draws on fieldwork with migrants who have been irregularised after their asylum applications were rejected. I introduce the concept of ‘intimate borders’ to call attention to how irregular migrants are managed in the encounters between migrants and frontline bureaucrats such as healthcare workers. In these encounters, the legal status of the person becomes an ordering mode, and the potential disease to be treated becomes a subordinate object of concern. Everyday bordering practices are contingent not only on legal regulations and public discourses, but also on migrants’ habituation to and enactment of bordering practices.
Countless reconciliation initiatives – state and non‐state, local and international – have emerged to redress the legacies of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. Based on fieldwork with two Rwandan peace‐building organisations, this article takes an ethnographic perspective on how these organisations measure or evaluate ‘how reconciled’ Rwandans are. Organisations’ measurements of reconciliation are based on testimonies they collect from genocide survivors and perpetrators. They read ‘indicators’ into these testimonies to quantify the progress of reconciliation in a given region, but their process of deriving those numbers from testimony is never clear. I argue that organisation staff do not only stake their expertise on ‘objective’ measures of reconciliation that manage the ambiguities of testimony, but also on their performance of gifted subjective intuition to discern ‘authentic’ testimony from that which conceals ongoing enmity. As such, anthropological understandings of modern evaluative practices must take seriously both subjectivity and objectivity as potential sources of power and authority. In the end, evaluating reconciliation may not only be driven by organisational or political demands to produce metrics, but also by organisation staff's search for confirmation of their own worth in the post‐conflict recovery project and for signs that violence will not erupt in Rwanda again.
While the transnational flows of goods, people and ideas have been increasing in the last decades, many people in Africa feel excluded from the possibilities that these connections bring. In Nairobi, some multi‐level marketing schemes are offering everyone the chance to partake in new forms of wealth creation, and hundreds of thousands of Kenyans have joined them. Such schemes have been travelling rapidly worldwide and seem to successfully circulate neoliberal rationalities and fantasies. Based on fieldwork in Kenya, the paper explores these multi‐level marketing schemes as travelling models, which need to be translated into local contexts. These schemes do not conform to conventional definitions of fraud but bring suspicions of it to the fore, doubts that haunt their glamorous marketing presentations. Such whispers imply the re‐emergence of notions of morality that are very much the opposite of the ideas that the schemes bring with them. Studying such schemes allows us to explore how actors convey, desperately want to partake in, and believe in capitalist rationalities and imaginaries. The suspicions of fraud also suggest a certain disillusionment with these rationalities, making apparent that they have become a matter of belief.
This article is about money doubling in Makeni, northern Sierra Leone. It elaborates on ordinary people’s difficulties to participate personally in a visibly growing economy and monetarised social environment. For this purpose, it takes the ethnographic case of literal money doubling: young men’s promises to physically double investors’ cash using original currency paper and chemicals. Although and because this investment opportunity retrospectively turned out to be a ‘fake’ promise, I argue that it made perfect sense in and of Makeni’s contemporary socio‐economic landscape. It epitomised a variety of practices that outwardly and alluringly promised a prosperous future and more equal redistribution of wealth, yet retrospectively proved disappointing. Money doublers assimilated local people’s aspirations and disappointments to make their performances convincing. Displaying their knowledge of the secrets to quick and sustainable wealth production, they combined narratives of what people already knew about their own failure and fellow citizens’ success with visions of future progress. Therefore, money doubling offers a powerful and multifaceted lens for illuminating patterns and transformations in Makeni’s contemporary economic, moral, social and political environment in which local people and researchers struggled to make out the truth about beneficial practices and actors.
This article analyses the online dating activities of Ghanaian young men and women. Finding online friends and lovers who reside in the USA or Europe is considered a fruitful tactic to deal with the often harsh conditions of everyday life in Accra. The first part of the article focuses on the connections between online and offline relationships in specific communities called or ‘stranger quarters’. The second part looks into the intricacies of online love relationships and how these upset or transform existing gender categories, gender roles and relations in the communities. The way in which young women take part in the online world is reminiscent of some of the characteristics of the popular figure of the trickster. Online trickery has affected offline mechanisms of redistribution and has thereby altered the moral economy within the communities, whereby friends straddle between principles of loyalty and trust towards one another while making personal fame and fortune. The article concludes with a discussion of tricking practices, the meanings and moralities of deception, and how research on fraudsters and tricksters touches on some of the ethical dilemmas inherent to the discipline of anthropology.
We live in a time of wall fetishism. Never have human beings been so obsessed with building walls as they are today. Walls are, however, age‐old. Empires built walls. And if we look closer, we can see that there are still traces of the old imperial visions in the modern borders and border walls. In this essay I will look at the connections of wars and walls, walls and empires. Through a radical historicisation I will argue that there is a link between the installation of border walls (here) and the unsettling of communities (there). The current border regime is part of a larger and older project of colonial accumulation by dispossession and expulsion; stealing wealth, labour force and time. I will also argue that border crossing discloses the cracks in the dominant narration of borders and that travellers without papers denaturalise what are otherwise naturalised borders, and politicise what are otherwise depoliticised borders. I will illustrate this argument by following travellers without papers along the railways in the Balkans; tracing Afghan deportees in Kabul; and following the social life of the materialities used in the oil sites in Iran and in the wall between Mexico and the USA.
In the aftermath of the global economic crisis and the rise of post‐truth in media and politics, trust and authenticity appear as fleeting qualities, having been replaced by suspicions of fraud and fakery. By looking at defrauding and faking as practices and questioning public discourses about them, laden with normative evaluations, as they are, this special issue ethnographically explores everyday interactions and imaginaries, to learn about the underlying political, economic and moral changes. Studying defrauding and faking opens a unique window to various key issues: the emergence (and crisis) of routines and technologies for establishing trustworthiness and genuineness, fraudsters’ knowledge production and problematic research ethics. We feel that anthropologists need to challenge themselves with topics that afford no sure footing, in moral or political terms, to produce new irritants, questions and insights.